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Growing up during the I like kitesurfing and guitars and maybe 3 people shirt moreover I love this 1980s and 1990s, my second-wave feminist mother, writer Erica Jong, was obsessed with Roe v. Wade. Born in 1942, she came of age in a world without safe legal abortion. She knew what was at stake with the 1973 ruling that protected a woman’s right to choose “without excessive government restriction.” Roe v. Wade was a huge victory for my mother’s generation. They could point to the Supreme Court decision as something tangible they did; their blood and sweat had changed the calculus of women’s lives. “No more women will die of back-alley abortions,” my mother would say. “No more wire hangers.”When Trump came down that gold escalator on June 16, 2015, to announce his presidential run, there was speculation that a thrice-married adulterer might even be pro-choice. But that was before he said, “There has to be some form of punishment for abortion.” Trump even said that he would install two Supreme Court justices who would overturn Roe v. Wade, telling the polymaths at Fox & Friends, “It’s certainly possible. And maybe they do it in a different way. Maybe they’d give it back to the states. You just don’t know what’s going to happen.”The irony is, Roe v. Wade is popular. A NPR/PBS poll released in 2019 showed that 77% of Americans believed that the Supreme Court should uphold Roe v. Wade. And making abortion illegal doesn’t actually prevent it. As Zara Ahmed writes, “Abortion rates are actually four times higher in low-income countries where abortion is prohibited than in high-income countries where it is broadly legal.”This week, the dynamic in this long debate took on new dimensions when the Supreme Court agreed to hear a case that could and likely will result in the overturning of Roe v. Wade. The case, Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, is a chance for the Supreme Court to rule on the Mississippi law that forbids abortions after 15 weeks. The law was largely created in order to be kicked up to the Supreme Court and give conservatives the opportunity to overturn Roe v. Wade. Previously, it had ruled that bans on abortion before viability—about 24 weeks—were unconstitutional. A decision here would open the door to other conservative states being able to ban abortion.It’s worth noting that Mississippi is the poorest state in the nation, with a poverty rate of almost 20%. Many of the women who live in Mississippi cannot afford take a day off of work in order to drive to another state for an abortion. But Governor Tate Reeves is way more interested in regulating women’s uteruses than helping his constituents.The reality is that Donald Trump has dramatically changed the makeup of the Supreme Court. NPR’s Nina Totenberg sums it up best: “The court now has a 6–3 conservative supermajority, with all six having taken positions hostile to abortion rights at one time or another, and the newest justice, Barrett, the most outspoken critic of abortion before joining the high court.”But before next fall, when the Supreme Court takes up Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization (it will likely deliver its ruling the following summer), before any of that happens, Governor Greg Abbott of Texas has already been emboldened by this new conservative “supermajority” to push the infringements on women’s rights even further. On Wednesday of this week, Governor Abbot signed an antiabortion bill that would ban abortion after six weeks. (This was the same day, by the way, that his state executed Quintin Jones, a man who was convicted of killing his great-aunt and whose relatives had pleaded for clemency. So much for the sanctity of life.) Six weeks is a mere two weeks after a missed period, when many women don’t even know that they’re pregnant—but then, that’s the idea. The law also “essentially empowers private citizens to enforce the law by suing abortion providers, whether or not those citizens are connected to a patient,” according to the Texas Tribune.Governor Abbot is extremely concerned about the “life” of an embryo the size of a sweet pea, but he’s less worried about those 151 Texans who died during the 2021 winter when the Texas power grid froze after years of deregulation. The AP reported at the time that, “Many homes went without power or drinkable water for days after subfreezing temperatures, failing power plants, and record demand for heat pushed Texas’ electric grid to the breaking point,” but then they weren’t embryos, so.The Trump Supreme Court, then, is going to overturn Roe v. Wade. The die is cast; the course is set. We need to be clear-eyed about what’s coming. Wealthy women in blue states will be okay. They will have access to safe, legal abortions—but they always (or almost always) have. The women who will suffer are the women who always suffer. “The impact of whatever the Supreme Court decides to do, will be felt by people who are already subject to criminalization and lack of access,” says executive director of We Testify Renee Bracey Sherman, “people of color, trans and nonbinary people, and undocumented immigrants among others, anybody who already has a difficult time getting the care that they need. We’re already seeing the impact of these restrictions and have for the past decade. Our nation is already unjustly punishing people for self-managing their abortions and miscarriages and stillbirths.”We see what’s coming, a public health nightmare for women. As Katha Pollitt writes in The Atlantic, “In 1971, the year after decriminalization, the maternal-mortality rate in New York State dropped 45%.” This isn’t some philosophical conversation about when life begins; it has real-world consequences for people who are actually alive. Women in Mississippi, in Texas, in Louisiana—women who can’t afford an unplanned pregnancy—will die. History tells us that making abortion illegal doesn’t prevent abortion; it just prevents safe abortion. I think of my mother’s generation and how hard they fought for us to have control over our bodies. They thought women would never have to die from unsafe abortions; sadly, they were wrong.
I like kitesurfing and guitars and maybe 3 people shirt, hoodie, tank top, sweater and long sleeve t-shirt
Kamala Harris, the I like kitesurfing and guitars and maybe 3 people shirt moreover I love this first woman vice president ever, should be more popular than she is. In her biography and her background, she is a politician for our time in a way her old, white male boss is not. By all rights, she should be enjoying some bump from her unprecedented ability to crash through one of the most impermeable glass ceilings.But it seems to be quite the opposite. The president’s polling remains static, while the vice president’s popularity remains a significant notch lower. In May a YouGov/Economist poll showed her at 41% approval. Biden, meanwhile, polled eight points higher in that same poll. Maybe it’s because he’s old and white and looks kind of like a Republican; the vice president doesn’t enjoy the same elderly white-man protection.Then there’s the less quantifiable level of acclaim or attack that each of them is subject to. Biden seems immune to the kind of criticism that drives entire news cycles about the vice president. Biden can make a gaffe—like when he accused two Republican governors of “Neanderthal thinking”—and seem to skate out relatively unscathed. Meanwhile, on Memorial Day, the veep was subjected to an entire news cycle for a tweet, likely written by her office, that urged Americans to “enjoy the long weekend.” Harris was excoriated for her insufficient acknowledgment of the fallen service members on Fox News and in countless right-wing dunks. Some vice presidents just go to funerals and make their bosses look smart (Dan Quayle). Biden, on the other hand, is taking his relationship with the veep to an unprecedented level, treating Harris like his successor and tasking her with real duties—perhaps the most essential duty after the pandemic: fixing the crisis at the border.This presents its own challenges beyond an already very complicated sociopolitical situation. Part of the problem for Harris is that the Republican messaging around the border has been so incredibly effective that Democrats find themselves continuously playing defense. Even NBC news anchor Lester Holt seems to have absorbed the right-wing talking points, pushing the vice president in an interview this week on why she hadn’t yet visited the border.Harris deflected, somewhat awkwardly, but you could tell she was frustrated—and understandably so. She should have explained to Holt why the border wasn’t the place that these problems get solved; instead, she was defensive. And unfortunately, when you’re defending yourself, you’re looking defensive, which reads badly on TV.This whole line of going to the border is just a GOP talking point twisted into a question. Republicans are obsessed with the U.S.-Mexico border. But they’re not obsessed with creating a path to citizenship, nor are they obsessed with preventing people from taking the dangerous journey. No, to most Republicans, these children, these South American immigrants, are the perfect foil, the bogeymen who are coming to take your jobs. (Meanwhile, America has a labor shortage and our population is not growing the way we need it to in order to keep our economy booming, but I digress.) For the GOP, the border is about scaring people into voting Republican. Trump’s entire campaign was based on the lie that he was going to “build a great wall on our southern border” and “make Mexico pay for it.” In March, Senator Ted Cruz took a bunch of Republican senators on a ridiculous boat trip on the Rio Grande River. They looked like middle-aged tourists (or, in some cases, elderly tourists who had just eaten something a little too spicy). For these Republicans, the border is about photo opportunities and fundraising emails. It’s a chance to show their constituents that they are out there doing something when, really, they’re just performing theatrics. And reporters are helping the GOP with this message, pressuring the vice president to do her own photo op.Policy isn’t made at the border. There are no presidents in those camps, no elected leaders in boats on the Rio Grande. The situation at the border is a humanitarian crisis and should be treated as such, but this crisis won’t be solved at the border. America needs to work with the leaders of these countries to address climate change, poverty, and crime. “These are not new issues,” said Texas Democratic representative Sylvia Garcia when I called her to ask for her input, “and it will take both short- and long-term solutions to address them. The V.P. understands this, and she is working hard to make sure that we get to those root causes. This is a giant step in the right direction.”Harris seems to be experiencing what Obama went through, a kind of right-wing media hazing. But instead of almonds and tan suits, she’s being targeted for tweets or nervous laughter in an interview. The mainstream media wants to cover things fairly; the conservative media wants to destroy Democratic stars before they can get traction. And Harris finds herself at the nexus of this tension. The question isn’t why Vice President Harris didn’t go to the border; the question is how this question eclipsed all the others.
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| Size | Length | Chest |
|---|---|---|
| S | 28in | 18in |
| M | 29in | 20in |
| L | 30in | 22in |
| XL | 31in | 24in |
| 2XL | 32in | 26in |
| 3XL | 33in | 28in |
| 4XL | 34in | 30in |
| 5XL | 35in | 32in |
| Size | Length | Chest |
|---|---|---|
| S | 25in | 16in |
| M | 26in | 17in |
| L | 26.5in | 18in |
| XL | 27in | 19.7in |
| 2XL | 27.9in | 21.6in |
| 3XL | 28.5in | 22.7in |
| Size | Length | Chest |
|---|---|---|
| S | 28in | 18in |
| M | 29in | 20in |
| L | 30in | 22in |
| XL | 31in | 24in |
| 2XL | 32in | 26in |
| 3XL | 33in | 28in |
| Size | Length | Chest | Sleeve |
|---|---|---|---|
| S | 26in | 20in | 33.5in |
| M | 27in | 22in | 34.5in |
| L | 28in | 24in | 35.5in |
| XL | 29in | 26in | 36.5in |
| 2XL | 30in | 28in | 37.5in |
| 3XL | 31in | 30in | 38.5in |
| 4XL | 32in | 32in | 38.5in |
| 3XL | 34in | 33in | 38.5in |
| Size | Length | Chest |
|---|---|---|
| S | 27in | 18in |
| M | 28in | 20in |
| L | 29in | 22in |
| XL | 30in | 24in |
| 2XL | 31in | 26in |
| Size | Length | Chest | Sleeve |
|---|---|---|---|
| S | 28in | 18in | 33.5in |
| M | 29in | 20in | 35in |
| L | 30in | 23in | 36.5in |
| XL | 31in | 24in | 38in |
| 2XL | 32in | 26in | 39.5in |
| 3XL | 33in | 28in | 39.5in |
| Size | Length | Chest | Sleeve |
|---|---|---|---|
| S | 27in | 20in | 34.5in |
| M | 28in | 22in | 35.5in |
| L | 29in | 24in | 36.5in |
| XL | 30in | 26in | 37.5in |
| 2XL | 31in | 28in | 38.5in |
| 3XL | 32in | 30in | 39in |
| 4XL | 33in | 32in | 39.5in |
| 5XL | 34in | 34in | 40in |
| Size | Youth Size | Length | Chest |
|---|---|---|---|
| S | 6-8 | 20.5in | 16in |
| M | 10-12 | 22in | 17in |
| L | 14-16 | 23.5in | 18in |
| XL | 18-20 | 25in | 19in |
| Size | Youth Size | Length | Chest |
|---|---|---|---|
| S | 6-8 | 21in | 17in |
| M | 10-12 | 22.5in | 18in |
| L | 14-16 | 24in | 19in |
| XL | 18-20 | 25.5in | 20in |
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